The (Im)Possibilities of the Return of the Gastarbeiters

This text is the result of anthropological research conducted in the villages that surround Kučevo: Turija, Duboka, Rakova Bara, Popovac and Ševica. The aim of this activity is to recognize and map basic problems connected to the return of these people, understand socio-cultural background of this issue and give directions for further research through focusing on life stories of the gastarbeiters.

 Eastern Serbia is a region where migrations are manifested in a specific way, and what we can clearly conclude from our field research, is that it is still an on-going process, especially in the minds of people who have helped us unselfishly in our scientific research.1
Gastarbeiter (gastarbeiter, a word which denotes singular and plural in German) is a concept with different connotations, positive and negative, within an ethnic, social, cultural and economic context. First of all, it refers to the guest workers, people who came to Germany in search for work during the 60s and 70s.  The formal status of temporary workers was determined by bilateral agreements between the German government and Italy (1955), Greece (1960), Turkey (1961), Portugal (1964) and Yugoslavia (1968)  which made possible for the gastarbeiters to get a qualified job in the industrial sector of the economy.2 The migrants, mostly men in the beginning, were allowed to stay in the host country for a year or two and then return home. However, most of them decided to remain in Germany with their families who joined them. The children of the gastarbeiters got the right to stay in Germany but they got no guaranties that they will be given citizenship. They became ethnic minority discriminated in an educational, religious and social way, which was the result of the state not being interested in their integration into the German society due to the German law.
By analyzing personal stories about life and working experience of the gastarbeiters,3  we have identified two main periods or waves of migration. The first wave took place in the 60’s and the 70’s, the people migrating being mostly uneducated with and without a degree in primary education, which happened because the state reduced the amount of the agricultural land and because the people wanted to enlarge their material possessions. Most of the workers of this first wave went to work individually, without their families, while the children remained at home to be taken care of by their grandparents, which was typical of this first wave. When the children grew up the parents took them abroad. Children born abroad became citizens of the country they were born in.  The wave which happened in the 90’s, during the civil war in former Yugoslavia was the result of a ruined economy which caused poverty and made everyone feel insecure. People who went abroad during this second wave were the ones who finished elementary school, or secondary school, or some kind of trade.  The third generation of gastarbeiters was born during this wave, i.e. the grandchildren of the first generation. These children were either born abroad or they went there soon after they were born in Serbia. They went to school abroad, some got their citizenships, learned to speak the language, so the possibility of returning to Serbia got smaller. The children born and remained in Serbia, whose parents work abroad, are the target audience that requires finding ways and possibilities to stay.
In addition to that, we have learned of various kinds of strategies to overcome the differences that occur due to the assimilation. Most people gave us the impression it was something that occurred consciously and in accord to the life circumstances, but it wasn’t a consequence that would go away painlessly. The strategies they used were concerned with developing consciousness, knowledge and notions of one’s origin. The aim is for the children to spend the holidays in home towns of their parents and grandparents, who then try to attract them to their roots.4

Migrants usually go to Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Sweden, and their choice depends on the dynamics of the global social movability, relatives or other kinds of relationships in the host country, laws that relate to this issue and the country’s social policies. Having that in mind, we cannot see the gastarbeiters as a homogeneous group, because different life conditions, differences in the ways they make profit, cause different perceptions on life and possible return to Serbia. The experiences of one living in Austria and one living in Serbia are very different. Unlike the gastarbeiters from Austria, the ones from Sweden have more free time which they spend in a creative way and they travel more. „In Austria, people socialize less and earn more. Here, people just live. They socialize“. (M. Š., village of Duboka, Sweden). When they come to Serbia from Sweden, they live modestly, because they don’t want to splash their money around. The Swedish law does not allow them to live in Serbia more than six months when they retire (although they would like that), so they plan to live half a year in one country and half in another. In short, they spend their money in Serbia but they don’t invest it anything that would show their material status. One of the difficulties of the gastarbeiter’s life is the status of not belonging to any country. „Yes, we are strangers here and strangers there, too“ (M. L., village of Brodica. Austria). According to M.Š., a woman from the village of Duboka, people in Sweden have an insulting expression for strangers – „the blackheads“ (although she had never heard anyone calling her like that). „When I go to Sweden I am a Serb, and when I come here people say – That Swedish woman is here.“ (M.Š. village of Duboka, Sweden).

 At first sight, the economy of Eastern Serbia cannot be justified from the point of view of classical economy. Building of unnecessary large houses,5 luxurious wedding receptions, and general spending of large amounts of money without investing it6  is a cultural characteristic in, on the one hand, the process of relocating goods,  and on the other hand according to the people we spoke with, a strategy of providing homes in case of forceful return from abroad. The first generations of migrants cherished the ideal of joint life of an extended family, believing that their children would live with them.7 The gastarbeiter houses in Serbia are being used only for two to three months a year. They represent the status symbol and their purpose is to provide comfortable life during the vacations and after retiring. Houses abroad are not marked for the owner’s material status. The main frame for seeing the set parameters through is the notion of investing the capital. This area has potential for developing rural tourism, but it would take investing a lot of money and work. The surroundings are fit for it. There are natural resorts like Homolje Mountains, the cave of Duboka and so on. The possibility of establishing a suite accommodation is the most promising one, considering that all villages have modern large houses that could be used with this purpose. We made an inquiry about the possibility of developing such practice and came to the conclusion it was in nobody’s interest. Such way of making profit is not the most desirable one, because those houses were mainly built for families to live in them, although they are quite large. What can be concluded is that from the standpoint of the people who work abroad, this part of Serbia has no potential for developing rural tourism. However, we mustn’t forget some isolated cases which inform us of laws and regulations of some countries (Switzerland and Sweden). These regulations state that one must live in the country which provided him with the pension for a specific amount of time during one year. If not, one’s pension would be reduced. Thus, if not generally, this fact makes a lot of difference in isolated cases (Turija, Duboka). This is one of the reasons why people cannot run businesses at home. According to the gastarbeiters from Sweden, the business in that country was running well, because the state was fair, and the community was aiming to develop private businesses. They convinced us that here everything was running with difficulties, because ”the state requires taxes and other fees to be paid, and gives no guaranties in return”. For doing business.

The life of the gastarbeiters abroad is often very different from the image people living in the home country have of them. The image of a well-off landholder in luxurious exterior and interior, often conceals a hard life abroad in the background. Hard physical labour done overtime, and austere life conditions reflect the impossibility of assimilating into the new environment. These characteristics, as well as limited knowledge of the language, customs and culture of the host country are mostly typical of the first generation of the gastarbeiters. The second and the third generation show a larger scale of fitting in the society, occupy better job positions, have more liberal and modern views on life, accept new schemes in economy of manipulating one’s income. Beside the change in economic patterns of behaviour, one occurred in the relations between a family. The patriarchal family prototype, the concept of marriage and parenthood were replaced by pragmatic solutions dictated by their staying and survival in the host countries and the legal system. The examples of mothers leaving their small children to be taken care of by their grandparents (which the children later recognize as their guardians they are more devoted to than parents) or marriages established with the citizens of the host countries they work in because of money clearly depict the collision of the patriarchal and traditional system of the agricultural societies with the West system based on the market. Thus, the first generations of the gastarbeiters live their life between wanting to provide their children with material wealth and not having the opportunity to really be parents. „My daughter and I aren’t a mother and a daughter. We don’t know each other.“ (M.R., village of Turija. Sweden). People we spoke to emphasized that the children would prefer being next to their mothers than having money. „The children don’t them.“ (J. V., and old woman, village: Rakova Bara. Her Children are in Austria.)

Most of the gastarbeiters come home after they retire but without their children. „You die where you were born“ (V. I., village: Rakova Bara. Austria). Most of them don’t have the citizenship of the host country while their children do. The children stay there to start their own lives.

Family relations and mutual help are very important in a gastarbeiter’s life.   Namely, the people we spoke to, emphasized that they had had someone abroad who welcomed them and helped them manage in the beginning (usually a cousin or a close friend). What is also known is the phenomenon of marrying “for documents”. Some people went abroad following this practice. They would formally divorce their spouses in Serbia, and then through some channels find a person abroad to establish a formal marriage and arrange a sum of money to be paid to this person, who was the citizen of the host country. M. G. From the village of Duboka first got a divorce in Serbia, and then married an old lady from Stockholm to get the documents of citizenship and paid her for that, and later he divorced again to marry his first wife. There is also the practice of „cross marriage“. A couple would divorce and then marry another couple from Serbia to help them obtain citizenship.

The possibility of the return of the gastarbeiters surely depends on current global economic conditions. The millennium wave of migration is slowly decreasing due to the employment crisis thus forcing the third and the fourth generation of the gastarbeiters to remain in their own country.

The socio-cultural transformations we isolated speak of the problem of collision of cultural patterns and the change of systems of values. A more detailed analysis of this problem would reveal the ways political, generation and cultural differences among the gastarbeiters, influence their decision to come back, invest money, and forming new residential culture. For the return of the gastarbeiters to be possible at all, there has to exist a strategy to keep the ones who stayed from going and return the ones who left.

The causes which make the return of the gastarbeiters less possible are:

  • -.the undeveloped municipalities

  • -.state administration’s lack of strategy and will to invest in developing infrastructure in the municipality

  • -.inadequate tax policy which enhances the risk for the possible investment

  • -.political transparency in the process of making decisions by local administration

–        assimilation problem

  the possibility of social tensions, i.e., the problem of change in socio-economic climate in the villages, characteristics for its hierarchal and relations of symbolic power between the gastarbeiters and the locals.

Empty houses, the decrease in demographic level, unmotivated and small young population, is an image that can be easily changed with the help of a good developing strategy. The gastarbeiters themselves see their life as gloomy sometimes. „I am one sad story. We all are.“ (M.Š. village Duboka, Sweden). All these interviews from Kučevo are just bits and pieces of individual stories, which are not just family stories. They are a part of a large complex system of understanding of the life of working abroad. „Wasted life“. (M. P., village of Turija. Switzerland). However, these stories also reflect a lust for life.These and many other problems should be dealt with through state policy of positive affirmation of the gastarbeiters as a new market subject.

Further anthropological research would clarify this image and find structural similarities in changes of cultural patterns of life, and they would also find ways for their use in practice in the process of reintegration of the gastarbeiters into the Serbian society.


The material for this paper was gathered in July 2007 on the territory of the municipality of Kučevo. The students of the department of ethnology and anthropology of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade who collected it under the guidance of Prof Dragana Antonijević were: Tanja Višić, Nađa Živanović, Dušan Kocić, Marija Krstić, and Aleksandar Repedžić i Čedomir Savković.

1 We thank all the people who spoke with us as well as our guides, president of the local community Duboka, Ljubomir Rajić and president of the local community Turija, Danijel Milenković.


3 The opinion about gastarbeiters is mostly negative in Serbia. „People who went were džabalebaroši, vucibatineand the uneducated ones“ (LJ. R. Village of Duboka).

4 ”When you spend at least one month during the year being your own master” (Popovac, Duboka).

5 They have houses so large that it takes half a day for one to tour them and nobody lives there. “ ( S. M. village of  Popovac).

6 In this case we can talk about “the logic of potlača“ which is a part of the life cycle rituals of everyday life (wedding receptions, funerals, slavas i zavetinas) and about similarities with the cultural practice of the Native Americans which reflected in gaining prestigepower and humiliate the one who is receiving a gift from us, so they won’t be able to respond in the same way

7 This ideal collapsed when the second generation left. A fine example of this is a house in the village of Turija which occupies almost 300 m2. It became a solitary tombstone erected during the owners life, guarded by lions and eagles made aout of plaster placed at the entrance gates. Today, the owner of these mansions, consider this practice “a waste of money”, well aware of the fact that their decendants will never live there, and that the house itself cannot be sold by the real market price.

Tanja Višić
Čedomir Savković
Marija Krstić

Tekst je rezultat antropoloških istraživanja koja su izvedena u selima u okolini Kučeva: Turija, Duboka, Rakova bara, Popovac i Ševica. Cilj rada je da se kroz fokusiranje na životne priče gastarbajtera uoče i mapiraju osnovni problemi vezani za njihov povratak, razume socio-kulturna konfiguracija ovog problema  i pruže smernice za buduća proučavanja.


 Istočna Srbija je područje gde su migracije na poseban način izražene, a svodeći zaključke sa terena, postalo nam je jasno da je to još uvek dosta zastupljeno, prvenstveno u svesti ljudi, koji su nam nesebično pomagali u naučno-istraživačkom radu.1


Gastarbajter (gastarbeiter, reč koja u nemačkom jeziku označava i jedninu i množinu) je pojam koji se različito konotira, i pozitivno i negativno,  u etničkom, socijalnom, kulturnom i ekonomskom kontekstu. Prvenstveno, on označava gostujuće radnike, ljude koji su  60-ih i 70-ih godina prošlog veka  došli u Nemačku u potrazi za poslom. Formalni status privremenih radnika proističe iz bilateralnih ugovora između nemačke vlade i Italije (1955), Grčke (1960), Turske (1961), Portugala (1964) i Jugoslavije (1968) koje je  omogućavao gastarbajterima da dobiju kvalifikovan posao u  industrijskom sektoru.2  Migranti, koji su u početku bili uglavnom muškarci mogli su da ostanu godinu ili dve dana nakon čega bi se vraćali u domovinu. Međutim, većina njih se odlučila da ostane u Nemačkoj sa porodicama koje bi im se pridružile.  Deca gastarbajtera, dobila su pravo ostanka u Nemačkoj, ali bez garancija za dobijanje državljanstva.  Oni postaju etnička manjinska zajednica obrazovno, religijski i društveno diskriminisana, kao posledica nezainteresovanosti države za nijhovu integraciju u nemačko društvo što je posledica nemačkog zakonodavstva.
Analizom ličnih kazivanja o iskustvu života i rada gastarbajtera,3  identifikovana su dva glavna perioda ili talasa odseljavanja. Prvi talas se dogodio 60-ih i 70-ih godina, zbog smanjenja poljoprivrednog zemljišta od strane države i želje za sticanjem većeg imetka, koji je uglavnom pokrenuo najneobrazovanije stanovništvo, sa ili bez završene osnovne škole. Većina radnika prvog talasa na rad je odlazila individualno, bez porodice, dok su deca, što je uglavnom karakteristično za ove talase, ostajala kod kuće da se o njima staraju babe i dede. Kad bi deca odrasla roditelji bi ih odveli u inostranstvo. Deca koja su rođena u inostranstvu postajala su ”domaća” u zemlji rođenja. Talas devedestih, tj. perioda građanskog rata u bivšoj Jugoslaviji uzrokovan propadanjem industrije čija je posledica nemaština i nesigurnost. On je pokrenuo  one koji su završili osnovnu,  srednju školu ili neki zanat. U okviru ovog talasa stvara se treća generacija gastarbajtera, tj. unuci prve generacije, koji su tamo rođeni ili su otišli ubrzo nakon rođenja u Srbiji. Tamo završavaju  školu, neki stiču državljanstvo, govore jezik i mala je verovatnoća da će se vratiti u Srbiju. Deca gastarbajtera koja su rođena i ostala u Srbiji, a čiji su roditelji u inostranstvu, jesu ciljna grupa zbog kojih treba pronaći način i mogućnosti ostanka.
S tim u vezi, došli smo do saznanja o različitim vrstama strategija za prevazilaženje razlika koje asimilacijom nastaju. Većina informanata nam je odala utisak da se radi o nečemu što je nastupilo svesno i shodno životnim situacijama očekivano, ali da nije reč o posledici koja će proći bezbolno. Strategije kojima pribegavaju odnose se na razvijanje svesti, znanja i predstava o svome poreklu.  Nastoji se da deca školske raspuste provode u rodnom mestu svojih roditelja, baba i deda, koji se trude da ih privuku svojim korenima.4

Destinacije iseljenika su uglavnom Nemačka, Austrija, Švajcarska, Švedska, a izbor zavisi od dinamike globalne društvene pokretljivosti, srodničkih ili nekih drugih veza u zemlji iseljenja,  odgovarajućih zakonskih propisa i socijalne politike zemlje.  Zbog toga, gastarbajtere ne možemo sagledati kao homogenu grupu jer različiti uslovi života, razlike u načinu sticanja prihoda i emigracionih zakona uzrokuju različite percepcije života i pogleda na eventualni povratak u Srbiju. Iskustva osoba iz Austrije i Švedske su veoma različita. Za razliku od gastarbajtera iz Austrije, gastarbajteri iz Švedske kuće imaju više slobodnog vremena koje kreativno ispunjavaju i više putuju. „U Austriji se manje druže, a više zarađuju. Narod ovde živi. Druži se“. (M. Š., selo Duboka, Švedska). Kada dođu iz Švedske u Srbiju žive skromno, jer im nije stalo da se razbacuju. Zbog švedskog zakona, po odlasku u penziju ne mogu da žive u Srbiji (iako bi to voleli) duže od 6 meseci zbog poreza, ali planiraju da žive po pola godine na oba mesta. Ukratko, troše svoj novac a ne ulažu ga u Srbiji u materijalne pokazivače statusa. Jedna od nedaća gastarbajterskog života je i liminalni status, odnosno nepripadanje nijednoj državi.Da  smo i ovde stranci, a i tamo“ (M. L., selo Brodica. Austrija). Prema sagovornici M.Š. iz sela Duboka, u Švedskoj strance pogrdno i uvredljivo zovu „crnoglavci“ (ali kazivačica nikada nije čula da je nju neko tako zvao). „Kad odeš u Švedsku, ja sam Srbin, kad dođeš ovde-Došla Šveđanka.“ (M.Š. selo Duboka, Švedska).


 Istočnu Srbiju odlikuje ekonomija, naizgled, logički neopravdiva sa stanovišta klasične ekonomije. Izgradnja nepotrebno velikih kuća,5 raskošne svadbe i uopšte trošenje velikih suma novca bez ulaganja6  jeste kulturna specifičnost u preraspodeli dobara s jedne strane, a sa druge prema kazivanju ispitanika, strategija obezbeđivanja kuća u slučaju prinudnog povratka iz inostranstva.  Ideal o zadružnom životu proširene porodice gajile su prve generacije migranata verujući da će u njima živeti oni i njihova deca.7 U Srbiji gastarbajterske kuće se koriste tokom godine uglavnom dva do tri meseca. One predstavljaju statusni simbol i namenjene su udobnom životu tokom godišnjeg odmora i penzije. U inostranstvu one nemaju značaj simbola koji odražava materijalno stanje vlasnika. Glavni orijentir kroz koji se mogu posmatrati izneti parametri jeste pojam investicije kapitala. Ovo područje ima predispozicije za razvoj seoskog turizma, ali za njega je potrebno odvojiti dosta sredstava i rada. Okolina za to je pogodna. Tu su prirodne atrakcije kao što su Homoljske planine, Dubočka pećina i sl. Mogućnost razvoja apartmanskog smeštaja najviše obećava, jer su u gotovo svim selima izgrađene moderne velike kuće koje bi dobro došle za takvu priliku. Raspitivali smo se o takvim mogućnostima i došli do zaključka da to nikome nije u interesu. Takav način privređivanja nije najpoželjniji jer su kuće građene prvenstveno za porodični život iako su dosta velike. Može se zaključiti da ovaj deo Srbije nema perspektivu razvoja seoskog turizma, barem što se tiče stavova ljudi koji rade u inostranstvu. Međutim, ne treba zaboraviti i pojedine slučajeve koji nam govore o zakonskim propisima u nekim zemljama (Švajcarska i Švedska). Ti zakonski propisuju ističu da se određeni period godine mora živeti u državi koja je radniku dala penziju. U suprotnom, penzija bi bila dosta manja, tako da je ova činjenica, ako ne generalno, onda u pojedinačnim slučajevima značajna (Turija, Duboka). To je jedan od razloga nemogućnosti poslovanja ”kod kuće”. Prema kazivanjima gastarbajtera iz Švedske, tamo je posao išao dobro jer je država bila korektna, a i sama sredina je orijentisana ka razvoju privatnog biznisa. Ubedljivo su nam odgovorili da ovde to teško ide, budući da ”država traži poreze i ostale nadoknade, a da za uzvrat ne obezbeđuje nikakve garancije”. Većina ostaje u uverenju da je lepo doći kući na odmor i videti se sa rodbinom i priljateljima, a za mesto poslovanja će uvek biti najpogodnija zemlja u koju se otišlo u potragu za boljim životom i boljom zaradom.

Život gastarbajtera u inostranstvu se često ne poklapa sa slikom koju članovi zajednice imaju o njima u matici.  Slika gazde-domaćina u raskošnim eksterijerima i enterijerima, često u pozadini krije težak život u inostranstvu.  Naporan fizički prekovremeni rad i oskudni životni uslovi jesu odraz nemogućnosti za asimilaciju u novu sredinu.  Navedene karakteristike, kao i slabo poznavanje jezika i običaja kulture u kojoj gostuju, pre svega, važe za prvu generaciju gastarbajtera. Druga i treća generacija, pokazuju veći stepen uklapanja, imaju bolja radna mesta, liberalnije i modernije poglede na život, prihvataju nove ekonomske modele raspolaganja zaradom. Osim promene u ekonomskim obrascima ponašanja, došlo je i do promene  u porodičnim odnosima. Patrijarhalni porodični model, koncept braka i roditeljstva zamenjeni su pragmatičnim rešenjima koje diktira ostanak i opstanak gastarbajtera u zemljama odlaska, kao i njihov pravno-regulacioni sistem. Primeri majki koje  ostavljaju malu decu na čuvanje babi i dedi (koje deca kasnije često prepoznaju kao staraoce kojima su više privrženi nego roditeljima) ili brakova iz interesa sa državljanima zemalja u kojima rade, jesu jasan pokazatelj sudara patrijarhalnog tradicionalnog sistema svojstvenog agrikulturnim sredinama i zapadnog, tržišnog. Tako da prva generacija gastarbajtera   život provodi, u stvari, u procepu između želje da omoguće materijalno blagostanje deci i nemogućnosti da zaista budu roditelji.  „Ja i moja ćerkica kao da nismo majka i ćerka. Ne poznajemo se“ (M.R., selo Turija. Švedska). Sagovornici ističu da bi deca više volela da su bila pored majke nego novac. „Njih deca ne poznaju.“ (J. V., baba, selo: Rakova Bara. Deca su joj u Austriji).

Većina gastarbajtera se vraća kući po penzionisanju ali bez dece. „Gde se rodi, tu umire“ (V. I., selo: Rakova Bara. Austrija). Većina njih nema državljanstvo, dok deca imaju. Deca ostaju tamo i tamo započinju sopstveni život.

Važnost u gastarbajterskom životu čine porodični odnosi i veze uzajamne pomoći. Naime, naši sagovornici su isticali da su već imali nekoga (obično je u pitanju rođak ili blizak prijatelj) ko ih je primio u inostranstvu i pomogao im da se u početku snađu. Poznat je i fenomen venčavanja „zbog papira“. Pojedini ljudi odlazili su tako što bi se razvodili od svojih supružnika samo formalno, preko neke veze u inostranstvu bi našli osobu sa kojom bi sklopili formalni brak uz ugovorenu sumu novca koja bi se isplaćivala onom ”supružniku” koji je domaći u zemlji u koju se odlazi, odnosno koji poseduje državljanstvo te zemlje. M. G. iz sela Duboka se prvo razveo u Srbiji, a zatim se venčao sa babom u Stokholmu zbog papira koje je platio da bi se kasnije ponovo razveo i oženio svojom prvom ženom. Takođe postoji i praksa „unakrsnog venčavanja“. Bračni par se razvede  i venča sa drugim parom iz Srbije da bi im pomogli da dobiju papire.

Mogućnost povratka gastarbajtera svakako zavisi od ekonomskih uslova u sadašnjem trenutku na globalnom nivou. Milenijumski talas iseljavanja počinje polako da jenjava usled krize zapošljavanja i time primorava treću i četvrtu generaciju gastarbajtera na ostanak u svojoj zemlji.

Socio-kulturne transformacije koje smo izolovali upućuju na problem sudara kulturnih  modela i promene sistema vrednosti. Detaljnija analiza ovog problema bi otkrila kako političke, generacijske i kulturološke razlike koje postoje unutar grupe gastarbajtera, utiču na njihovu odluku na povratak, ulaganje kapitala i formiranje nove rezidencijalne kulture. Da bi povratak gastarbajtera bio uopšte moguć, mora se pronaći strategija kako zadržati one koji su ostali i vratiti one koji su otišli.

Uzroci koji smanjuju verovatnoću povratka gastarbajtera većinom su:

  • -.nerazvijenost opštine  

  • -.nedostatak strategije i volje za ulaganje u razvoj infrastrukture opštine od strane državne samouprave 

  • -.neadekvatna poreska politika koja povećava rizik od eventualnog ulaganja 

  • -.politička transparentnost u donošenju odluka lokalne samouprave 

–        problem asimilacije

  mogućnost pojave socijalnih tenzija, odnosno problem promene socio-ekonomske atmosfere u selima, koju karakterišu hijerarhijski i odnosi simboličke moći između gastarbajtera  i pripadnika lokalne zajednice.

Prazne kuće, pad demografskog nivoa, nemotivisano malobrojno mlado stanovištvo,  jeste slika koja vrlo lako može da se promeni uz dobru razvojnu strategiju. Gastarbajterski život se ponekad i od strane samih gastarbajtera percipira sumorno. „Ja sam žalosna priča. Svi mi“ (M.Š. selo duboka. Švedska). Svi ovi intervjui iz Kučeva su samo delići individualnih priča, koje nisu samo porodične. One su deo jedne šire mreže shvatanja i razumevanja radničkog života u inostranstvu. „Promašen život tamo“. (M. P., selo Turija. Švajcarska), ali istovremeno oslikavaju i žudnju za životom. Ovi i mnogi drugi problemi, jesu pre svega,  domen intervencije države i državne politike pozitivne afirmacije gastarbajtera kao novog ekonomskog aktera.

Dalja antropološka istraživanja bi išla ka izoštravanju ove slike i pronalaženju strukturalnih sličnosti, u promenama kulturnih modela života, i njihove praktične primene u procesu reintegracije gastarbajtera u srpsko društvo.


Materijal za izradu ovog rada su  tokom jula 2007. godine na teritoriji opštine Kučevo prikupljali  pod rukovodstvom doc. dr Dragane Antonijević studenti Odeljenja za etnologiju i antropologiju Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu: Tanja Višić, Nađa Živanović, Dušan Kocić, Marija Krstić, Aleksandar Repedžić i Čedomir Savković.

1 Zahvaljujemo se svim našim sagovornicima kao i našim  vodičima, predsedniku mesne zajednice Duboka, Ljubomiru Rajiću i predsedniku mesne zajednice Turija, Danijelu Milenkoviću..


3 Mišljenje o samim gastarbajterima u Srbiji je uglavnom negativno. „Odlazili su džabalebaroši, vucibatine i oni bez škole“ (LJ. R. selo Duboka).


4 ”Kad barem i mesec dana godišnje provedeš kao svoj na svome” (Popovac, Duboka).

5 Imaju kuće, pola dana da ih obiđeš a niko u njih ne živi.“ ( S. M. selo Popovac).

6 U ovom slučaju se može govoriti o “logici potlača“ utkanog u svakodnevni život rituala životnog ciklusa (svadbe, sahrane, slave i zavetine) odnosno o sličnosti sa kulturnom praksom severno-američkih Indijanaca koja se sastojala u sticanju slave i prestiža deobom i uništavnjem što većeg imetka sa ciljem da se stekne nadmoć i ponizi onaj kome dajemo poklon, tako da neće moći da ga uzvrati

7 Ovaj ideal se urušio sa bespovratnim odlaskom druge generacije. Primer je kuća u selu Turija od skoro 300 kvadrata. Kuća postaje usamljeni spomenik podignut za života koju na ulaznim kapijama čuvaju gipsani lavovi i orlovi. Danas vlasnici ovih zdanja smatraju  to “uludo protraćenim kapitalom”, svesni činjenice da njihovi potomci tu nikada neće živeti, a da se više ne može ni prodati po realnoj tržišnoj ceni.

Tanja Višić
Čedomir Savković
Marija Krstić